Brother Blake and Sister Blake and the lost Moravian history of William Blake's family

This paper (read at the Bentley Birthday Celebrations in Toronto in 2010) explores the links, some speculative, between William Blake’s extended family and the Moravian Church congregation in London.

In the first decades of the eighteenth century, there were thirty or forty Anglican religious societies in the City of London and its suburbs. One, the "Fetter Lane Society", met at the house of James Hutton in Little Wild Street, off Fetter Lane. In 1738, four Moravian Brethren, led by Peter Boehler, arrived in London on their way to the British colonies. The Brethren could not proceed immediately to Georgia, and came into contact with members of the Fetter Lane Society (Podmore 1988, especially pp. 133-36).

Boehler enrolled eight of the Society, including Hutton, John Wesley, and others, into a Moravian-style band or religious fellowship group (Lockwood, 1868, p.35). By mid-October it had grown to 56 members, mostly small tradesmen and artisans—though the membership included some clergymen and a handful of mercantile and gentry families (Podmore, 1992, p.1). Growing disagreements within the Society came to a head in July 1740, when John Wesley withdrew. Wesley’s departure precipitated a mass withdrawal of nearly all the women and a considerable number of the men, leaving the Society close to collapse.

After Wesley and his supporters had departed, Fetter Lane records show just one small band of married men in the depleted Society: Hilland, Wheeler, Blake, Oldson, Hunt, Bell, James, and Marshall (Congregation Lists Vol. I, unnumbered page). The corresponding band of married women consisted of Sisters Mills, Mann, Lowe, Oldson, Blake, Inks, and Hilland. The congregation diary includes brief notes on the spiritual state of individual members

Hilland is He in Bondage anywhere? He is open.
Elliott is in himself Dangerous, is not yet under Grace.
Blake is a poor vexed man. a Slave.

(Congregation Diary. Vol. I, unnumbered pages.)

These remaining members appealed to Count Zinzendorf, the Moravian leader, to take direct control of the Society and send August Gottlieb Spangenberg (a prominent Moravian who had spent some time in London at the end of 1739) to lead it. This request was eventually granted, and Spangenberg arrived with a party of Moravian “Labourers”, as the Church’s full-time workers were called, on 26th March 1741.  He helped restore the Society so successfully that, by 1742, the Society’s meeting room had become too small for its membership. James Hutton therefore leased a Meeting House nearby. The Brethren’s Chapel, Fetter Lane (as it became known) was to be the Moravians’ London centre for the next two hundred years (Podmore, 1992, pp. 3-4).

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My first illustration shows a page from Abraham Reincke’s "Catalogus" of the Moravian congregations in Europe and America (Bethlehem MS. unnumbered pages). It lists the married men of the Fetter Lane Society in 1743. Brother Blake’s name appears sixth from the bottom in the left hand column. Another early membership list describes the Blake couple as "Blake & She . Butchers in Pear Tree Street near Mount Mill Goswell Street" (Congregation Lists Vol. I : "Mar. 1st 1743"). The disconcerting expression, "Blake & She", is a common designation for married couples in these early documents.

Note that, since the Moravian Archive establishes John Blake as resident at Peartree Street, Islington, then he can’t be the John Blake recorded by Bentley as resident at Glasshouse Street, Westminster, before James Blake. Closer examination of the Westminster ratebooks leads me to conclude that John Blake of Glasshouse Street is a simple error for James. Indeed, a later ratebook records one Samuel Blake at Glasshouse Street. These entries of one occasion only can, I believe, be taken as clerical errors. James Blake was the sole ratepayer at Glasshouse Street in the decade before his marriage to Catherine Armitage and John Blake, most likely a relative, was resident in Peartree Street throughout that period.
Indeed, John and Mary Blake are among the earliest members of the Fetter Lane Society (the fellowship group that preceded the formal establishment of the Moravian Church in London). Congregation diaries record in surprising detail the lives of the Blakes, and their family tragedies, such as the death of their youngest child.

The church diaries continue to refer to Brother Blake’s spiritual condition. A few examples

1743 

Hilland’s Band on Monday was very well, there was a sweet Feeling Blake was hearty, confesses & comes to His Heart (Married Brethren Conference Minute Book : "Wed. Jan. 12. 1742/3").

1744

Blake still Continues in an Indifferent Way, but hope Time & Patience will bring him to Rights again (Helpers Conference Minute Book : "Thursday 24th May 1744").

1745

Blake was much bless’d last Wednesday Evening and Desires to be quite our Saviour’s / he is in a Pretty Way at Present (Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Tuesday July the 23d").

1746

Some People have been offended about Blake Selling Meat on Sundays? To be spoke with.(Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Tuesday May ye 20th 1746")

The next page of Reincke’s list shows the married women at Fetter Lane. Sister Blake is ninth from the bottom of the right-hand column. The Fetter Lane archive records in surprising detail the lives of the Blakes.

Thus in April 1742

There are great Complaints against the behaviour of some Wives & Husbands, Wheelers, Pepyts, Millins & Blakes ... To visit them would be a good Way, perhaps to bring them together & to speak to both at once (Daily Helpers Conference Minute Book : "April 30. Friday").

And in July that year

Blake behaves sadly in Newgate Market he overbuys himself, threatens to kill his wife openly: what must be done with him (Daily Helpers Conference Minute Book : "Monday 12th July 1742")?

Then in January 1743

[Sisters] Hut[ton] & Hol[land] went to Mrs Blakes who was in Labour & was wth her when She was delivered of a fine Boy (Congregation Diary. Vol. I : "Wensday 5th 1742").

And a few days later, on 14 January

Holl[and] visited Mrs Blake she intends to have her Child Christned according to the form of the Ch of England (Congregation Diary. Vol. I : "Friday 14 Jany 1742").

Pear Tree Street was in the parish of St. Luke’s, Old Street. The parish registers confirm the birth and christening of

John son of John Blake and his wife Mary.

The St Luke’s registers record the Christian names of the Blake couple, and their three children :  Edward, christened 18 April 1739; Sarah, born 13 May 1741 and christened 24 May at St. Luke’s, and their youngest child, John, born 1743, christened 24 January. Thus all the children were baptised into the Church of England while John and Mary Blake continued to attended services at Fetter Lane.

The Church archuives also record the marital problms of John and Mary Blake. Thus in June 1743

Blake & his Wife do not at all behave well. They often quarrel in the open market & are a great Scandal (Married Brethren Conference Minute Book : "Wednesday Aftern. Jun. 15").

Then in 1745

Blake desires to be in another Class; His Wife & him disagree very much about the Children & Call one another Names (Labourers Conference Minute Book. "Tuesday Jan 15:1744").

And in 1746

Mrs Blake is said to behave very badly to her Husband, calling him in the Shop a Fool, a Blockhead &c. (Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Tuesday July 22/Aug 2d 1746").

Nothing then for a few years until in November 1749

Sister Blake an old member of the Society went to our Saviour (Congregation Diary Vol. III : p. 116, note in margin).

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The Moravian Church had open preaching services that anyone could attend and other meetings that were intended just for church members. Alongside the original Fetter Lane Society, there developed the Congregation of the Lamb, an inner group who partook of the sacrament, living the full life of the Moravian community, for admission to which members were encouraged to make letters of application.

In September 1745, John Blake had written (Letter of Application. Undated petition for membership in Congregation addressed by John Blake "For Brother Beoler").

Dear Brother Beoler I have a Desire to write to you and to our Saviour’s Dear Congregation that I may come in a Closer connexont with them, that I may injoy those privilidged with our Dear Saviour as his Congregation have. I made bold to Rite to you to Let you know how it stands with my hart I am a poor missarable unhappy Creature. but for such I know the Saviour Shed his Blood for. may that blood whitch he Shed in ye Garden in the hall before Pilate and on the cross I say may that blood which me Clense and make me one of those that can Rejoyce in hiss wounds, and may his Death and Suffring be the only thing, the one thing neefull for me, to make me happy, I know I am a Sinnor and for Sutch the saviour shed his blood. O may I become a happy Sinnor from this moment and to all Eternity. O take me by the hand and hart. and Promise me to our Saviour as one as his purchase, as one he paid So great a price for as one that cost him many Tears Smarts and pain, O Lamb of God grant that I may be a membr of thy Congregation, and may be quite happy, from your Brother

John Blake

O take me by the hand and

hart. ec.

John Blake’s letter concludes, as so many do, with a brief citation of a Moravian hymn. "O take me by the hand and heart" is the first line of the second stanza of a Moravian hymn beginning "My wounded Prince enthron'd on high".

Applicants for membership in the Congregation were considered monthly, and the names were put to the Lot. The Lot offered three choices: three identical cylindrical boxes each contained a rolled up piece of paper with the word Yes or No written on it or otherwise left blank. Any applicant could be accepted, refused, or encouraged to try again on the basis of the divine will as expressed through the Lot. It was hoped that whichever way the Lot fell, the result would be positive. Unsuitable candidates would be rejected whilst others would strive harder to make themselves acceptable to the Church. John Blake was initially unsuccessful.

Then in August 1748, Church Minutes state

Blake desires to be recd into the Congregation, he seems in a pretty disposition at pres[en]t (Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Monday 15 Augt 1748").

Eventually, in January 1749, Blake appears on the list of

Persons recommended for reception into the Congregation (Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Monday 16 Janry 1748/9").

Unfortunately, a year later, the Minute Book notes

Spoke about Blakes affair & he has said that he is detirmin’d to break off with the Young Woman & has told her of it (Labourers Conference Minute Book : "Monday Feb. 13 1749").

John Blake was expelled from the Congregation and reverted to membership in the Society.

This engraving shows the Communion service at the Fetter Lane Chapel. Candidates for communicant status are allowed to look on from the galleries. Above the communion table we see the closed doors of the pulpit. At Fetter Lane, the pulpit was entered from the adjoining Hall and thus formed a little room within the great room of the Chapel. The resemblance to Elisha’s Chamber on the Wall, as in 2 KINGS 4: 10, may be deliberate.

Let us make a little chamber, I pray thee, on the wall; and let us set for him there a bed, and a table, and a stool, and a candlestick: and it shall be, when he cometh to us, that he shall turn in thither.

At last, we find the minutes for 6 February 1751 reporting that

Br Böhler intends to morrow Evening to give a Love Feast to those Brn & Srs who were acquainted with at his 1st coming to England wch will be 13 years tomorrow.

Who are as follows ...

(Helpers Conference Minute Book. Vol. VI : "Wednesday Feb.6: 1750/1").

The list included Brother Blake. This entry, confirming John Blake as a member of the Fetter Lane Society from before February 1738, is also significant in that it marks his last appearance in these records.

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In June 2001, Dr. M. K. Schuchard found, in the Church Book of the Congregation of the Lamb (of the Moravian Church in London), the records of the membership of Thomas Armitage, hosier, born in Royston, Yorkshire, and of his wife Catherine, born in Walkeringham, Nottinghamshire. The couple were William Blake’s mother and her first husband. Catherine and Thomas Armitage, hosiers and haberdashers of Broad Street, Soho, were "received" into the Fetter Lane Society. That November, they made application for membership of the Congregation. Not long after being accepted, Thomas died (of "a slow consumption"), in November 1751 (Helpers Conference Minute Book. Vol. VI : "Wednesday Nov: 20th 1751").

Are Brother and Sister Blake related to James, second husband of Catherine and father of William? The coincidence, not just of surname, is striking. John and Mary Blake would be of the right age (probably in their late twenties), and social class (John Blake is a butcher) to be plausible relatives of James Blake. After Thomas’s death, the Fetter Lane Church Book records perfunctorily that Catherine Armitage “became a widow and left the Congregation”. On 15 October 1752 she married James Blake in the same chapel, St. George’s Mayfair, where she had wed Thomas Armitage, and her new husband took over the hosiery business. Did Brother John Blake, a friend of the Armitages through his church membership, take the opportunity after Thomas’s death to introduce his kinsman James, a journeyman hosier, to a young widow, Catherine Armitage, with a haberdasher’s shop?

Among Moravians, marriage outside the community was not permitted. Even if James Blake were himself a Moravian, marriage without the agreement of the elders would have led to exclusion from the Congregation. This does not imply that Catherine cut off all connection with the church, merely that she ceased to be a member of that inner group. William would have heard the stories his mother told and the hymns she sang.

In conclusion, I should like to go back to that impassioned letter from John Blake and a similar one from Catherine. There are 238 of these letters of application in the Fetter Lane archive—ordinary English working men and women of the mid-eighteenth century writing about their spiritual anguish and their devotion to the salvific blood and wounds of Christ. What could it mean for the young Blake have a mother and a paternal uncle who shared the affective and graphic language with which the Moravians expressed their joyful view of Christ’s atoning sacrifice. A view that in Craig Atwood’s words, "allowed the believer to live in childlike joy and simplicity in the midst of a difficult world" (Atwood, 2004, p.101). The Blake link remains unverified. Nevertheless, the Moravian archives provide us with an uniquely detailed picture of the lives of ordinary Londoners, the women and men from whom derive William Blake’s cultural and spiritual inheritance.

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Sources and Furher Reading

Craig D. Atwood.—Community of the Cross: Moravian Piety in Colonial Bethlehem.—University Park PA : Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004.

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.—International Genealogical Index.—http://FamilySearch.org.

A Collection of Hymns, chiefly extracted from the Larger Hymn-Book of the Brethren's Congregations.—London, MDCCLXIX. [1769].

J.P. Lockwood.—Memorials of the Life of Peter Böhler, Bishop of the Church of the Moravian Brethren; introd. Thomas Jackson.—London : Wesleyan Conference Office, 1868.

London Metropolitan Archives.—Parish Register of St. Luke’s, Old Street.

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/2/168: Letter of Application, s.d.

Dates in these Moravian archive documents are usually given OLD STYLE.

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/5/3 : Congregation Lists Vol. I.

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/7/1 : Congregation Diary. Vol. I (11 November 1741—23 November 1742).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/7/3 (Congregation Diary Vol. III: Jan 1st 1749—Dec. 31 1749.).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/11/1 : Daily Helpers Conference Minute Book (29 April 1742—24 August 1742).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/11/4 : Helpers Conference Minute Book (19 September 1743—11 October 1744).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/11/6 : Helpers Conference Minute Book. Vol. VI (6 June 1748—6 January 1766).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/14/1 : Married Brethren Conference Minute Book (23 November 1742—20 October 1743).

Moravian Church Archive.—C/36/14/2 : Labourers Conference Minute Book (10 January 1744—23 January 1751).

Moravian Church Archives, West Locust Street, Bethlehem, PA.—MS : Abraham Reincke Catalogus.

Lists of all Congregations etc. in Europe and America. Lists the Blakes in the Fetter Lane Society, Francis Okely among the seminarians at Marienborn, and John Valentine Haidt among the O[rdained] M[inisters] of the M[oravian] Ch[urch]. See also W. C. Reichel’s annotated transcript in Transactions of the Mor. Hist. Society, vol. I (1873).

Colin Podmore.—The Fetter Lane Moravian Congregation, London 1742-1992.—London: Fetter Lane Moravian Congregation, 1992.

Colin Podmore.—The Moravian Church in England, 1728-1760.—Oxford : New York : Clarendon Press; Oxford University Press, 1998, especially pp. 133-36. 

Podmore provides a modern, comprehensive and scholarly account of the early years of Moravianism in England.

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